But, on the other hand, Weber tied our hands because he denied any natural frame of reference for doing social research, other than, of course, underlining the importance of the relations between values and facts.
His legacy remains and pushes us to ask difficult questions about how we understand the emergence of European tyranny in the twentieth century, and about how we live in relation to such events, which Hannah Arendt argued destroyed all prior categories of thought.
His writings represent a serious controversy primarily for political reasons with those philosophers and social critics who have encountered him in one forum or another. Just the mention of Strauss today can stir animosity and resistance to actually reading his texts, which are allegedly tainted with justifications of inequality and elitism.
Strauss Goes to Washington? Strauss had noted already that the greatest philosophers of the first half of the twentieth century, those dominant when he formulated his philosophic project Henry Bergson, Alfred North Whitehead, Edmund Husserl, and Martin Heidegger , all lacked a political philosophy or any serious philosophic reflections on politics. But neither was it solely the negative project to criticize those surrounding him in European philosophy.
From this perspective, Strauss sought to revive political philosophy in the context of historical relativism and postmodernism and, most importantly, to respond to and think with Nietzsche in a political way.
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Eugene R. Sheppard, Leo Strauss and the Politics of Exile: The Making of a Political Philosopher
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